No nuclear war. De-escalate the crisis in Ukraine

Our thoughts are with the people of Ukraine, whose country is paying a heavy economic and human price for this conflict. But this conflict also presents a much wider threat: the existential threat of a nuclear war between the United States and Russia. Join CND in calling for an end to conflict in Ukraine to avert the threat of nuclear war:

As the crisis in Ukraine escalates, the risk of nuclear war comes ever closer. President Biden pointed out last week that war between the US and Russia would be World War III, yet this possibility is closer than ever before. The entry of Russian forces into Ukraine makes diplomacy more urgent, not less.  Yet British political leaders continue to denigrate diplomatic initiatives, even as the conflict intensifies.

Rather than refusing to talk with the Russian leadership, the US administration must get to the negotiating table, to address all the fundamental issues in this conflict, including how to make the Minsk agreements work. Rather than further escalating the  conflict and militarisation of the region, the US must  recognise the risk of nuclear war and do everything possible to  achieve a peaceful solution.

Read CND’s latest statement and take a look at Kate Hudson’s blog here
Read Labour CND’s statement on Nato here

Take action

>>> Join CND’s international rally, in partnership with Code Pink and Stop the War, on Saturday 26 February, No War in Ukraine, No to Nato
>>> Get a free No Nuclear War poster here
>>> Print you own window poster here

LABOUR CND statement on Nato-Ukraine-Russia

Military posturing fans the flames of war in Europe

Keir Starmer has chosen the moment of mounting tensions over Ukraine to announce that ‘Labour’s commitment to Nato is unshakable’, attempting to justify his stance with selective and inaccurate statements about the defensive and democratic character of the North Atlantic Alliance and accusing those who disagree of showing solidarity with Putin.

Nato is not ‘a defensive alliance that has never provoked conflict’ nor does it provide a ‘guarantee of democracy and security’ as the people of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and elsewhere will readily testify, whose countries have been shattered and lives destroyed by two decades of war.

Neither has Nato ‘ushered in what is now approaching three-quarters of a century of peace between the nations of Europe’. Nato’s bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999 was the first military attack on a sovereign European country since the end of World War II. It took place without UN approval and is widely regarded as illegal under international law.

Even Denis Healey, who Starmer describes as a ‘giant of the Labour movement’, argued: ‘It was a terrible mistake to attack a sovereign state without even consulting the United Nations… we should have asked Richard Holbrooke [US ambassador to the UN] to have another go at negotiation.’

In contradistinction to the benign picture Starmer seeks to paint, Nato’s evolution includes:

  • The North Atlantic Alliance is a nuclear-armed alliance committed to using nuclear weapons pre-emptively in a military conflict whether or not its adversaries possess nuclear weapons. Since the 1950s, Nato has rejected successive calls to adopt a nuclear no-first use policy.
  • Declassified US documents testify to the fact that the use of nuclear weapons was actively considered during Nato’s first military engagement, the Korean war of 1950-53.
  • The Warsaw Pact dissolved in July 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. By contrast Nato extended its area of operations. In the ensuing three decades, it has expanded its mission statement and enlarged its membership.
  • There are currently 30 Nato member states. Additionally, Nato works with 40 non-member partner states across the globe on a wide range of political and security-related issues. Full Nato members in East Europe include Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Albania, and the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania which border Russia. Nato partners with borders on Russia include Finland, Belarus, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan. Russia’s near abroad – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – are also Nato partners.
  • Three Nato members are nuclear weapons states – Britain, France and the US. Five European members – Belgium, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, and Turkey – host US nuclear weapons on their territories and are pledged to deploy them if Nato so commands.

Tensions between Nato and Russia have been building for three decades. Ukraine must not become the pretext for a military clash between two nuclear armed adversaries.

Labour CND calls for de-escalation and dialogue, not a build-up of armaments and troops leading to the brink of a war in which the people of Ukraine will be the losers. This is a strategy of sanity, in contrast to the military posturings of Britain and the US which fan the flames of war in Europe.

Download a copy for circulation here

Sam Mason’s climate blog

Samantha Mason is a member of the Labour CND committee and a well-known climate and just transition activist. This is the first of her climate blog for us, putting nuclear back into the climate equation.

Nuclear power is no solution to our energy crisis

The nuclear industry is losing no time in using the current energy and related cost of living crisis to bolster its position as a ‘silver bullet’ for the climate crisis. A contested technology in the transition to decarbonised power, it divides trade unions and labour movement more widely, and it isn’t entirely settled in the climate movement.

Nuclear power generation has been declining globally, and as recently as 2019, the International Energy Agency whilst supporting nuclear in the energy mix, was questioning its future.  Even as recent as 2006, the then Sustainable Development Commission didn’t see nuclear as part of the future energy mix.  So why the resurgence now?

At the United Nations COP26 climate talks in Glasgow last year, on the one hand the nuclear industry was crying foul that they had been omitted from the talks, and opportunity to put their case to the public as a grossly misunderstood industry. On the other side, there was a clear presence of the nuclear industry with several interventions including a letter signed by trade union leaders stating that the “world needs much more clean, reliable and affordable energy, and our members need secure, quality employment. Nuclear delivers both, and that’s why we need more nuclear.”

Clearly the challenge of decarbonising the power sector, and linked to it industry, transport and agriculture, is enormous as we seek to ‘electrify everything’ in a rapidly diminishing timeframe to have any chance of staying within the 1.5 degrees of global heating by the end of the century. This includes serious technical and resource questions before we even get to think of the economic and social questions of transition, and notably jobs.

But as our climate doomsday clock gets closer to midnight, its time we really put this debate to bed, and focus on developing a plan that coordinates across the whole economy and energy system. This includes understanding what we need energy for.

Firstly, there is nothing misunderstood about the nuclear industry.  It’s an old industry therefore the arguments on safety, length of construction time and cost overruns, waste disposal is well evidenced and understood, globally. 

It is expensive energy. Hinkley Point C is billed as the most expensive power plant in the world and locks UK consumers into “a risky and expensive project with uncertain strategic and economic benefit”. With difficulties in financing ‘new’ nuclear, the Nuclear Energy (Financing) bill which provides for ‘regulated asset based’ financing will impose all the risk onto consumers in England. A deal it’s recognised will push more people into fuel poverty.

Proponents of nuclear power argue the need for baseload power and its low carbon status. However interestingly one of the arguments against new nuclear by the SDC in 2006 was its inflexibility and applying a “big-bang [nuclear] fix” would undermine efforts to develop renewable power generation and energy efficiency measures.  Today we see this too with the proposal for new nuclear techno fixes such as Small Modular Reactors or the elusive quest for nuclear fusion.

There is no denial that trade unions should fight for the jobs of their members across the industries and sectors they represent.  But we also need to be visionaries. For an industry in decline, the skills of its current and future workers can be applied to the energy transition, and other work related to decarbonisation through a process of Just Transition.  The construction workers, building trades and pipe fitters are still needed.  More specialist roles which require particular nuclear science knowledge will not go away given the long legacy costs of nuclear power around decommissioning and waste. There is plenty of work to be done and the nuclear sector has been no less immune by the attacks on workers agreements as other sectors.

It is here that perhaps we get to understand why this renaissance for nuclear power and why we also have to question what this energy is for.  The need for a civilian sector to support a nuclear defence program is clear, and as outlined in the UK Government’s Nuclear Sector Deal. Research by academics at the university of Sussex provide some of the most compelling evidence on this.  And certainly the UK government’s increasing posturing around nuclear weapons supports this.

Finally, no energy solution can be assessed outside a framework of justice – for communities faced with uranium mining, and for workers who have been exposed to serious health risks.  And then there is wider justice for the victims of the nuclear industry that date to its origins from the development of nuclear weapons.

At the COP last year, we heard the harrowing reality for small island states and other climate vulnerable communities who have done least to contribute to climate change. This includes pacific island nations that have already suffered the horrors as testing grounds for the UK’s and US nuclear weapons.

If we want real justice, and a future for everyone on this planet, it’s time we came clean and ended our love affair with the atom. Nuclear power won’t solve any of the crises we are currently facing, and as it stands, is a deterrent to achieving a democratic and publicly owned energy transition that we urgently need.

Labour CND in conversation with Young Labour

Young Labour led the way on foreign policy at party conference with an historic motion calling out apartheid in Palestine and supporting sanctions on Israel, while Labour CND promoted a successful emergency motion on AUKUS.

Join Socalist Campaign Group MPs Apsana Begum and Richard Burgon join Young Labour Chair Jess Barnard and Tribune Editor Ronan Burtenshaw, with Stop the War’s Shelly Asquith and climate activist Sam Mason from Labour CND, to discuss the continuing struggle for a non-aligned foreign policy, focussed on peace and justice.

All welcome at this timely discussion. Register here and please circulate to your Young Labour contacts

CND conference: no new nuclear arms race

Missed the webinar? Still time to register for CND’s open conference

CND’s 2021 conference takes place in two parts again this year, both on the theme of no new nuclear arms race. We hope to see some of our supporters at the members-only AGM and policy conference, and even more of you at CND open conference on Sunday 24 October from 11.00, with an excellent line-up of international speakers. Get more details and register here

AUKUS motion for local Labour Parties

Maritime Union of Australia has issued a strong statement against AUKUS

Labour CND is circulating a motion for ward and constituency parties in support of the AUKUS emergency motion passed by Labour conference. Download it here and let us know if your ward or CLP passes it . See Labour Outlook explainer articles, AUKUS: Another step on the road to perdition by Labour CND Co-Chair Carol Turner and A New Nuclear Arms Race & Cold War Will Not Bring Security by Jeremy Corbyn

Big majority for AUKUS motion at #LAB21 conference

With only a few days notice before the deadline, 5 Constituency Labour Parties submitted an emergency motion on AUKUS promoted by Labour CND – Beverley and Holderness, Shipley, Brighton Pavillion, Hazel Grove, and Pendle called on the Labour leadership to oppose the agreement, maintain the party’s commitment to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and encourage diplomatic steps to repair damaged relations with France, Germany and China.

Moving the motion, Marisa Aitkin from Shipley CLP argued that the provision of nuclear powered submarines to non-nuclear Australia was likely to put the UK in breach of the NPT.  It was ‘absolutely incumbent upon the Labour party to oppose the treaty, in opposition and in government’. Far from promoting stability in the Indo-Pacific, it would encourage a new nuclear arms race and cold war with China. ‘Real security comes from international cooperation, and a will to tackle together the global crises of our time,’ she said.

Claire Wadey seconded the motion for Brighton Pavillion, highlighting the Maritime Union of Australia’s response to AUKUS and speaking about the opposition of her relatives and friends in the region. In a strongly-worded statement, calling for ‘jobs and health, not nukes’, the MUA expressed total opposition to ‘billions wasted on submarines’.

The result was spectacular. Despite opposition from Labour’s front bench, it was passed with 70% support of conference on a card vote. 77% of trade unions and 62% of CLP delegates backed it. Only the GMB and a few smaller unions on the right of the party voted against.